
On the ailing transatlantic partnership and its impact on European integration
Alessandra Silveira [Editor of this blog, Coordinator of Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence “Digital Citizenship and Technological Sustainability” (CitDig), University of Minho] and Pedro Froufe [Editor of this blog and Coordinator of the Group “Studies in European Union Law” (CEDU), of JUSGOV – Research Centre for Justice and Governance, University of Minho)]
The US National Security Strategy, presented at the beginning of December,[1] is an official State Department document that sets out the fundamental guidelines for US diplomacy – in other words, it defines how the US will relate to the rest of the world over the next three years. The US National Security Strategy has been taken seriously over time – and in this text we will assume that we still live in a world where there are adults in the room, despite the volatility of the ideas put forward within the Trump Administration.[2]
What is the relevance of this new US Strategy for the world order? The general feeling is that, if taken seriously, this Strategy reconfigures the concept of sovereignty in the 21st century.[3] In other words, the Strategy officially recognises the existence of zones of vital interest, which the strongest states can naturally dispose of – a kind of division of the world into zones of influence. This would justify the prominence of the US in the so-called “Western Hemisphere”, as well as US access to strategically vital assets – wherever they may exist in the “Western Hemisphere”.
This suggests a revival of the old thesis of “living space” (“Lebensraum”) adopted and amplified with tragic consequences for all of humanity by Nazi Germany’s Third Reich.[4] This is a geopolitical concept popularised in the 19th century by Friedrich Ratzel and taken up again in the 20th century by Karl Haushofer – whose ideas were exploited and used by the Third Reich. This idea of the indispensability of “living space” was also detected in Vladimir Putin’s narrative, especially in his justifications (at least in his initial ones) for the invasion of Ukraine by the forces of the Russian Federation.
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