Category: Comments

Are the Portuguese antitrust sanctions sufficient to guarantee the proper functioning of the internal market?

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Isabel de Paiva (master’s student in European Union Law at the School of Law of the University of Minho)
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Competition and free economic initiative structure the regulation of markets. In a legal order that follows and preserves economic freedom – that is, in a market economy, or more precisely, in a ‘social market economy’ such as the European one – competition and free economic initiative end up boosting economic development and growth. The promotion of free enterprise is largely underpinned by the existence of competition (and vice versa). Competition promotes innovation, better allocation of resources between economic agents and, to that extent, better satisfaction of consumer interests.

     In any case, and regardless of the economic function and virtues of competition, there is also a sense of economic justice: competitive conditions must naturally be equal for all, and must not be distorted to the advantage of a few and to the detriment of the collective interest – which consists of the best possible allocation of available resources. This leads us to consider the importance of competition and guaranteeing its effectiveness from a perspective that goes beyond its strictly economic virtues: it begins as an imperative of economic justice and therefore has an ethical and normative aspect. A free market is necessarily a market with as high a level of competition as possible.

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Responsible credit in the European Union: on the pre-contractual duty to analyse the consumer’s creditworthiness when granting credit

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Mariana Marques (Master's student in European Union Law at the School of Law of the University of Minho)
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Introduction

In practice, financial institutions often grant credit without analysing the consumer’s creditworthiness. In most cases, credit is granted without analysing any variant that could compromise the borrowers’ financial capacity – and this is particularly prevalent in the granting of credit cards. Thus, any individual can obtain a credit card from most organisations without having to provide essential data, such as their salary slip, for example. Without prejudice to the consumer’s responsibility to take out credit that is appropriate to their income, would consumer credit institutions not have any duty in this regard?

On 11 January 2024,[1] the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) handed down a ruling in which it clarified the duty to analyse the consumer’s creditworthiness –imposed on financial institutions before granting consumer credit. This pre-contractual duty, which is often (and unduly) brushed aside by the entities responsible for it, has been the subject of important developments in the new law governing consumer credit – Directive 2023/2225 of 18 October 2023.

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European security and defence: the role of the European Peace Facility in building a “strategic autonomy”

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Bruna Barbosa (Master in European Union Law by UMinho)
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The outbreak of new conflicts in the vicinity of Europe highlighted its dependence on the United States (US) in terms of security and defence. However, the redefinition of the US geopolitical strategy has resulted in a gradual reduction of its investments in Europe. This is driven by a shift in US geostrategic priorities to regions far from Europe, such as the Indo-Pacific, due to the emergence of new powers, including China.

This circumstance demands a more active approach from the European Union (EU) in matters related to European security and defence. European thinking has undergone significant changes, notably by recognising the importance of investing in its strategic autonomy .[1], [2]

It is therefore essential to understand how the EU can position itself as a prominent “actor” in security and defence issues on an international scale. And also how the European Peace Facility (hereinafter EPF) effectively contributes to increasing the EU’s strategic autonomy.

In this context, the 2022 Strategic Compass – a document that outlines the EU’s strategic direction over the next decade – stands out to reinforce European security and defence ,[3] seeking to balance its power of influence (soft power) with its military capacity (hard power), in an environment of cooperation between all Member States, allowing for a reinforcement of the Union’s internal stability, in particular, vis-à-vis its neighbouring States.[4]

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The regulation of non-invasive neurotechnologies in the EU single market: A rights-orientated approach in a goldmine of data

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Bárbara Antunes Goldman (Master's student in European Union Law at the School of Law of the University of Minho)
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The Spanish Presidency of the Council of the European Union, which runs from 1 July to 31 December 2023, has expressed its commitment to the digitalisation of Europe, especially with regard to raising awareness of the need for proper regulation of non-invasive neurotechnologies in the European Union (EU) and preparing its Member States for what lies ahead.

To this end, in October 2023, an informal ministerial meeting was held in the city of León, where the Telecommunications and Digital Ministers of the EU Member States met to discuss the paths to be taken so that the EU can consolidate itself as a global reference in the protection and recognition of digital rights. This meeting resulted in the León Declaration on European Neurotechnology: A Human Centric and Rights-oriented Approach.[i]

Neurotechnology is a significant part of the current wave of technological developments that converge neuroscience, digitalisation, and artificial intelligence, promising remarkable improvements in mental health, well-being, and productivity. This novel neurotechnology offers “devices and procedures used to access, monitor, investigate, assess, manipulate, and/or emulate the structure and function of the neural systems of natural persons.”[ii]

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Open data and re-use of public information – smart cities as open data ecosystems

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Joana Covelo de Abreu (Editor and Key-staff member of CitDig Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence)
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The European Union (EU) set a wider objective until 2030: to live a digital decade, where (personal and public) data is essential to grasp a data economy, i.e., an economy capable of, by promoting the European values, enhancing its growth through data processing, making European citizens to live better. In fact, it is expected that, until 2025, the volume of produced data can achieve the amount of 175 zettabytes worldwide: along with an increase of personal data processing, there is a growing trend concerning non-personal industrial and public data in the EU which must be properly exploited.[1]

Concerning public data, it should be widely available to empower people since, by doing so, we can reach a digitally “open, fair, diversified, democratic and confident” Europe. So, if leading a data economy is to be achieved, along with structural solutions concerning i) connectivity; ii) processing and storage of data; iii) computational capacity; and iv) cybersecurity, the EU ought to be able to v) improve its governing structures on data processing; and vi) widening quality data repositories where data can be used and reused.

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The internalisation of EU law by citizens and how it operates a threat to EU democratic values

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André Lima Machado (Master in European Union Law - UMINHO)
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1. Introductory remarks

Last May 10, the Head of State of the Portuguese Republic, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, addressed the European Parliament in Strasbourg on the occasion of the Europe Day celebrations.[1] President Marcelo – as he is affectionately called by the Portuguese – called for a stronger Europe, a Europe that leads and anticipates, rather than a Europe that follows events. He went on to explain that the Portuguese believe in the future of Europe: in a Europe that is not the Europe of Heads of State, Heads of Government, or party leaders, but rather a Europe of European women and men, because without both there is not and there never will be a strong Europe, within itself and in the world. This is the challenge – said President Marcelo – there is not much time left to anticipate it, and the millions of Europeans deserve it. 

Moreover, this is a recurring idea in President Marcelo’s speech: “Europe cannot waste time”. And why is that? Because the circumstances of integration have changed substantially. The Portuguese President began by recalling the last time he spoke to MEPs, seven years ago, at the start of his first mandate. It was another time, another world, another Europe. He listed the changes that had occurred since then, such as the pandemic, the UK’s decision to opt out, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. “In another time, another world, another Europe”, people still believed in the international order, in the existing balance of power, in the advancement of human rights, in the victory of diplomacy over war. People believed in the reform of universal institutions (even if postponed) and in the European security inherited from the 20th century (even if weakened). They believed in the primacy of globalisation, multilateralism, and common causes.

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Brazil’s Recent Ratification of the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime

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Bruno Calabrich (Public Prosecutor (Brazil) | PhD candidate at the University of Brasília (UnB).)
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Cybercrime is a growing issue in today’s digital age, with criminals taking advantage of the interconnectedness and dependency on technology for personal and organizational activities. Cybercrime is not a new problem and has been addressed by the Council of Europe with the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime in 2001, which entered into force in 2004 after ratification by five Council member countries. This international treaty was conceived to serve as a framework for nations to coordinate and cooperate in the investigation, prosecution, and prevention of cybercrime. As highlighted in its preamble, the Convention recognizes the crucial importance of establishing common criminal law and criminal procedural law in order to facilitate “detection, investigation and prosecution at both the domestic and international levels and by providing arrangements for fast and reliable international co-operation”.[1] Chang and Grabosky point out that “the Budapest Convention is the first and only international convention to encourage harmonization of cyber laws and regulations, and to build cooperation among nations in controlling cybercrime”.[2] In its core fundamentals, Member States commit to work together to provide quick and effective responses to cyber-attacks, exchange information on emerging threat trends and assist each other in investigating cross-border criminal activities.

Brazil, as a leading South American country in terms of technological advances and digital economy, has also recognised the importance of addressing these issues. Indeed, after a long period in which little importance was given to the topic (particularly when compared to the European tradition), Brazilian legislation has shown significant advances in several matters related to digital law, cybercrime and personal data protection in recent years. Its main normative milestones are Federal Statute No. 12.737/2012,[3] which “establishes the criminal typification of cybercrimes” – also known as the “Carolina Dieckman Act” –, Federal Statute No. 12.965/2014[4] – the Brazilian Internet Civil Rights Framework –, and Federal Statute No. 13.709/2018[5] – the Brazilian General Data Protection Act (“Lei Geral de Proteção de Dados Pessoais”, or LGPD). In Brazilian Courts, there have also been important decisions, such as the ruling by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) on ADC (“Ação Direta de Constitucionalidade”, a declaratory lawsuit of constitutionality of federal laws or normative acts) no. 51,[6] in February 2023, which confirmed the validity of court orders issued in the interest of criminal investigations for technology companies running internet applications in Brazil, even when the requested data is stored on servers located abroad. Prior to that, in May 2020, the STF, in the judgment of ADI (“Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade”, a direct lawsuit of unconstitutionality of federal or state laws or normative acts), no. 6387 MC-Ref/DF, recognized for the first time the protection of personal data as an autonomous fundamental right, not explicitly stated, but inferred from an integrated reading of several provisions of the Brazilian Constitution.[7] This decision prepared the grounds for the enactment of Constitutional Amendment no. 115/22, in February 2022, which expressly included the protection of personal data in the wording of the Constitution among the fundamental rights and guarantees.[8]

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Lula da Silva is President of Brazil once again: are we closing a cycle of lawfare?

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By Guilherme Torrentes (Master in Human Rights from the University of Minho)
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On January 1, 2023, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was sworn in as President of Brazil for the third time, after one of the fiercest electoral disputes since the re-democratization of the country (which occurred in 1985), in which Lula da Silva defeated Jair Bolsonaro. It is perhaps the end of a cycle of “lawfare” – a term that can be defined as the strategic use of law for the purpose of delegitimizing, harming, or annihilating an enemy[1] – that is, the perverse use of legal rules and procedures for the purpose of political persecution. This cycle of lawfare was initiated in a tentative way by what became known as “Mensalão” (a “mega” or “maxi” judicial process that culminated in the conviction of several political members of Lula’s first government for corruption) and worsened with the impeachment process of President Dilma Roussef and “Operação Lava Jato” (another “mega” judicial process that culminated in the illegal imprisonment of Lula for 580 days).

This cycle of lawfare has jeopardized the continuity of the democratic rule of law, as the Brazilian judiciary and criminal process have been instrumentalized by the exception and subjectivity undesirable to its performance, in order to achieve the desired political ends. It is worth noting that in 2018, the Brazilian State failed to comply with a recommendation of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee to guarantee Lula the right to run for the presidential elections of that year, invoking its domestic laws to not apply Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (which guarantees every citizen the right and the opportunity, without unreasonable restrictions, to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors).[2]

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The securitization of health: on the protests against the Chinese “zero-COVID” strategy

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By Rafaela Garcia Guimarães (Master in Human Rights from the School of Law of the University of Minho)
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The approach to health as a security issue is supported by the theory of securitization developed by researchers from the Copenhagen School, according to which threats to security are socially constructed, through a speech act – whether oral, written, through images and other means of communication. Discourse acquires a fundamental role in the securitization process, as it is through the act of speech that the securitizing agent (usually an authority) exposes a demand to the public as a threat to its security – a threat that may or may not be real[1].

Health securitization occurs when a disease is presented to the public as an “existential threat”. This can happen with the onset of a disease with little scientific knowledge, no easily identifiable treatment or cure, high mortality or transmissibility, and especially when they are associated with a visceral fear of pain or suffering.

Securitization results in the adoption of exceptional measures, mainly due to their urgent nature, which may lead to containment, surveillance and coercion measures. Moreover, the policy of exception is presented to society as the only means of survival – and fear makes restrictive (and even suspensive) measures for the exercise of fundamental rights more easily accepted.

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A new strategy for EU law enforcement

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By Pedro Pereira (Master’s student in European Union Law at the School of Law of the University of Minho)
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The European Commission is regarded as the “Guardian of the Treaties” in the Treaty on the European Union (TEU), and according to its most recent Communication last October 13, it plans to ensure its own role with both a helping hand and watchful eye, all while honouring democratic transparency and (especially) EU law.

The Communication “Enforcing EU law for a Europe that delivers”[1] draws on the fact that the EU is an established community of both law and values. It reminds us that the EU’s best asset is its ability to create a homogenous background for its citizens and businesses alike. EU law lays the foundation and groundwork for a well-functioning internal market, for a more digital and greener Europe, ensures and promotes European values, provides for effective judicial cooperation, security and ultimately succeeds in showing the world the bastion of justice, democracy, and respect for fundamental rights. And bearing the responsibility as the Guardian of the Treaties and EU law, in its own words: “The Commission is committed to stepping up its work to promote and uphold people’s rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law.”

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